In 1862, the very unusual and colorful Dr. Samuel Jordan Wheeler of Murfreesboro, N.C. was commissioned to raise a home guard unit which was to be called the 66th Regiment N.C. Partisan Rangers. These volunteers were from Northampton, Hertford, and Bertie counties. The area served by this outfit was generally confined to the peninsula between the Roanoke and Chowan Rivers. Their responsibilities were to picket along the Chowan River, scout, and do courier duty.

Wheeler never completed the organization of this regiment, so the volunteers were eventually incorporated into the Twelfth Battalion, N.C. Calvary. All of Wheeler’s volunteers show as The Twelfth Calvary at The Battle of Boon’s Mill which was fought on July 28, 1863.

Jeremiah Gay enlisted with Wheeler on December 19, 1862 for the duration of the war. At that time he was nine days past his 34th birthday and had six children under 12 at home. Benjamin S. Gay, my grandfather, was six years old.

Jeremiah mustered in as a sergeant. He therefore held the highest rank of any of my ancestors who saw military service. My great, great, great grandfather, Jonathan Gay, fought in the American Revolution for 36 months and was a private the whole time. My father, Archie C. Gay, fought in France in World War I, and was a corporal.

Training of these troops must have been in Garysburg, N.C. which is only ten miles from Jackson. Garysburg was near the Wilmington to Weldon railroad which ran to Petersburg, VA. Thousands of Confederate enlistees were given basic instruction and sent from there to protect Richmond and help Robert E. Lee.

Jeremiah Gay’s duties as a soldier must have been quite limited. He probably never got more than 50 miles from Jackson. He was a farmer, and I assume he had enough free time. in which to plant and cultivate his crops in the spring and summer of 1663. Jeremiah probably spent a large percent of his nights at home. He was, after all, in a home guard unit.

His situation changed drastically the last week in July, 1863. 

The argument can be made that the South lost the Civil War with the Battle of Gettysburg (July 1, 2, and 3, 1863) and the formal surrender of Vicksburg and General John Pemberton’s 29,000 men on July 4, 1863. After this time, the South went into a purely defensive mode. Robert E. Lee was never again able to mount a significant offensive campaign. He did not have the men or supplies necessary for Success.

A wise old man once said, "If you attack, you must vanquish. If you defend, all you must do is survive." The Confederacy survived for 21 months after Gettysburg. The motley, hungry, rag-tag group that Lee finally surrendered at Appomattox in April of 1865 bore only slight resemblance to his once mighty Army of Northern Virginia. Too bad he did not surrender at Gettysburg. Many good lives on both sides would have been saved.

Union planners knew in July, 1863 that Lee was badly hurt. They therefore sought ways to weaken him quickly and mortally. One idea, an old one, was to attack and destroy the railroad bridge that spanned the Roanoke River at Weldon, N.C. The Wilmington to Weldon Railroad ran from Wilmington to Petersburg, VA and was Lee’s chief conduit for men and war supplies needed to defend Northern Virginia and Richmond. Severing this bridge would certainly hasten the end of the war.

The Union Navy had attempted an ascent of The Roanoke to Weldon in July of 1862. Three gunboats were sent up rivet from Union-held Plymouth, N.C. to destroy the bridge. They were turned back at Rainbow Banks, near Hamilton, N.C., by a cavalry detachment. Confrontations between Navy and Cavalry are rare because of Naval fire power. The Confederates were extremely fortunate to have won this skirmish. In fact, the need for bolstering Confederate defenses along the Roanoke River was clearly demonstrated. Fort Branch was therefore built at Rainbow Banks soon after this episode.

Union planners were quick to pinpoint their problem. The Roanoke River is too narrow and meandering to make a

naval assault on the Weldon Bridge a feasible idea. The Union therefore decided to try an alternate plan which had been recommended but never tried.

This idea was to put a large force of infantry and cavalry ashore in Winton, N.C. which is on the Chowan River. 3,000 infantry and 2,000 cavalry, making a total of 5,000 men should accomplish the goal.

All the Yankees had to do was destroy the bridge across the Meherrin River at Murfreesboro, N.C. The Meherrin would then protect the right flank and the Roanoke would protect the left. A swift, lightning—like strike through Hertford and Northampton Counties to the bridge at Weldon could then be accomplished without too much difficulty. With both flanks protected from reinforcements, the Yankees would only face Major S. J. Wheeler’s Home Guard, the only confederates already in place.

Wheeler’s troops were called The 12th N.C. Calvary Battalion. The 12th was mostly made up of raw recruits without horses. Jeremiah Gay was a sergeant in Co. "C" of this outfit.

A Union victory was almost a certainty. Union Major

General John G Foster therefore put the plan into effect on

Sunday, July 26, 1863. Twelve Union gunboats sent from

Yankee-held New Bern ascended the Chowan River to Winton,

N.C. 3000 infantry troops swarmed ashore. Included were

the 17th, 23rd, and 25th Mass. infantry, The 81st New York,

The 9th New Jersey, and Bebers 1st Rhode Island battery. The town of Winton was already in ruins. A Yankee force had completely burned it to the ground in 1862. Winton is the County Seat of Hertford County, so the courthouse and all the records therein were also destroyed. Very few people still lived in Winton when Foster’s men landed. Two of them Watson L. Daniels and Dr. R. H. Shield, were taken hostage to insure quiet behavior in the area around Winton,

Foster’s first order of business was to secure Hill’s Bridge, which spanned the Potecasi Creek about four miles out of Winton on the Murfreesboro road. Union troops needed this bridge to get to Murfreesboro, which was on their way to Jackson and Weldon. Troops from the 17th Mass. and the 9th New Jersey were detailed to the bridge. The 17th got there first and met an ambush from Co. "A" of Major S. J. Wheeler’s command. Jeremiah Gay was in Co. "C", so he was not involved in this skirmish. The 17th Mass. withdrew initially with a few wounded. They then waited for the 9th New Jersey, which had become lost.

Wheeler’s men, in the meantime, crossed the bridge and set their defense on the Murfreesboro side. They could have dealt a severe blow to Union planning had they destroyed the bridge after crossing it. Wheeler’s men probably thought they could hold. They had no way of knowing that there were 3,000 Yankees between them and Winton.

As Wheeler’s Co."A" waited to defend, the 9th New

Jersey finally arrived. The combined Mass. 17th and New

Jersey 9th easily overwhelmed the unmounted Confederate

Cavalry. Several rebel prisoners were taken, and the

Yankees secured the bridge intact.

The next day, Monday, July 27, dawned clear and hot. Union forces trouble started early and lasted until nightfall.

Col. Samuel P. Spear of the 11th Pennsylvania Volunteer Cavalry arrived on the cast bank of the Chowan River, across from Winton. Col. Spear had two battalions with him: The 11th Pennsylvania and The 1st New York Mounted Rifles. Because a battalion is assumed to have one thousand effectives, Spear’s command is usually shown as two thousand. Closer evaluation of these available facts, however, shows the reasoning to be faulty. The 11th Penn. show that they only had six hundred and fifty present. The 1st New York Rifles report does not show how many of their troops arrived, but their strength was probably similar to the 11th Penn Cavalry. By this line of reasoning, we can conclude that Col. Spear’s command totaled about thirteen hundred, minimum. If we assume the 1st New York Rifles fielded one thousand men, the maximum strength is sixteen hundred and fifty. A reasonable guess would therefore put Col. Spear’s Cavalry at about fifteen hundred men.

The 11th Pennsylvania had come from their camp at Bowers Hill, which is near Suffolk, VA. The 1st New York Mounted came from Portsmouth, VA.

Upon arrival, Spear’s command faced a major problem. No bridge existed between Winton and Gates County in 1863. Gen. Foster was aware of this fact and had made provisions for it. Before leaving New Bern, he loaded a ship with materials sufficient to build a-pontoon bridge. As he was crossing the Pamlico Sound, in route to Winton, an extremely violent storm came up, and his bridge was lost at sea. Gen. Foster’s plan to swiftly move Spear’s troops from Gates County to Winton was also destroyed.

General Foster’s only recourse was to use his fleet to get the cavalry across the Chowan River. Men, animals, artillery, and supplies had to be transported. The July temperature was very hot. George L. Cruikshank of the 11th Pennsylvania Cavalry was there that day. He states in his personal journal: "It was a slow operation. The river was high and flooded the swamp a mile back from the landing, covering the road knee deep. It was fearful hot and the reflection of the sun on the water as we sat on out horses was painful. It was nearly sundown when we were all over."

Ten hours were required to transport the cavalry. Col.

Spear’s advantage of surprise was lost. Word that the

Yankees were in Winton spread throughout the Roanoke-Chowan

area like wildfire. By the time Spear’s last man got to Winton, Confederates were already tracking their movements. The Confederates knew the Union’s intentions. They had come to destroy the bridge across the Roanoke River at Weldon, the area’s only major military target.

Col. Spear did not stay in Winton that night. He went to Murfreesboro, about ten miles distant, arriving at about 1:30 AM on Tuesday, July 28, 1863, where his men encamped. The command was up by daybreak, and the push to Weldon was continued, with the 11th Penn. leading.

Col. Spear’s delays, however, had already allowed

Confederate forces to plan a defense. The Petersburg VA

Command was well aware of the situation. In fact, General

Whiting, Commander of The Dept. of North Carolina, telegraphed Petersburg that the Yankees were advancing to Weldon. This wire was sent on July 27, the same day Col. Spear crossed the Chowan River.

Brig. General Matt W. Ransom, a resident of Northampton County, was stationed near Petersburg at that time. lie had been promoted to Brigadier General on June 15, 1863 and replaced his brother, Robert Ransom Jr., who had been promoted to Major General on May 26.

Ransom’s Brigade consisted of the following Regiments:

the 24th, 25th, 35th, (of which he had formerly been Colonel), the 29th, and the 56th.

On July 27, Gen. Ransom received a telegram from his friend and neighbor Mr. John Long which advised him of the Yankee incursion. If the Union force went from Jackson to Weldon by way of Boon’s Mill, they would pass directly by General Ransom’s plantation, "Verona". General Ransom’s land actually bordered Boon’s Mill on the west. His wife, Patty, and children were at Verona. Patty was due to deliver a baby any day. This child, Thomas Exum Ransom, was actually born August 3, 1863, five days after the battle.

Gen. Ransom, anxious over this situation, sought and was granted permission to go to Weldon and defend the bridge. Needing troops, he scoured his brigade for soldiers. The only Confederates available were an eight company section of the 49th regiment.

Edward X. Phifer, a 1st Lieutenant in Co. "K" of the 49th, wrote a letter to his mother on July 31, 1863. He tells his mother, "We left Petersburg last Monday night (July 27) and arrived at this place (Garysburg) on Tuesday morning (July 28) and then we march(ed) 10 miles to Boon’s Mill and had a little fight." Lt. Phifer survived The Battle of Boon’s Mill unscratched. He did not, however, survive the war. lie was shot in the chest near Petersburg, VA on June 18, 1864 and died that same day in the Petersburg Hospital. His superiors said of him, "A bright, noble boy and faithful light-hearted soldier."

General Ransom therefore brought eight companies with him.

When he arrived, about daybreak on July 28, he was greeted by four Companies of the 24th Regiment. They were already in Garysburg, having been sent there on July 20.

Garysburg is two miles east of Weldon, and has been called the Confederate "Fort Bragg" of eastern North Carolina. No fewer than nine Confederate regiments organized and trained at the various camps at Garysburg. When the war first started and recruits were numerous, as many as 6,000 trainees may have been there at any one time. As the war progressed and fewer and fewer citizens enlisted, Garysburg was used by various North Carolina units as winter quarters.

Also present that morning was a two gun section of the Macon Light Artillery. Please note: they were from Macon, GA, not nearby Macon, N.C. They were the only unit involved in the battle that was not in Ransom’s Brigade.

General Ransom therefore had 12 companies: tour from the 24th and eight from the 49th. The General’s official report tells what he did with four of these companies. He states: "I had four companies involved and a section of artillery. -

Can we determine which four of the twelve companies actually fought at Boon’s Mill? I believe so. Listed below are the four companies and at least one soldier in each who was at the battle.

1. Co. "B" of the 24th. Put. Miles Spight of Onslow Co. was wounded at Boon’s Mill.

2. Co. "H" of the 24th. Put, John Eastwood and Put. Thomas H. Bumpass both of Person Co. were both wounded.

3. Co. "I" of the 49th. Pvt. John W. Drum, the only Confederate killed at the battle, was from Catawba County.

4. Co. "K" of the 49th. 1st Lt. Edward X. Phifer of Lincoln County wrote to his mother stating that he was in "the little fight" at Boon’s Mill.

Further research also indicates that Matt Ransom was the only resident of Northampton Co. who actually fought in the battle.

After using the four above companies, Gen. Ransom still had eight more to deploy. Do we know how he used them?

Yes, we do.

Referring once again to Gen. Ransom’s official report, we read: "I have a Regiment at Garysburg and Weldon: the others distributed on the different roads." The eight companies were therefore detailed to defend at both Garysburg and Weldon, and to picket the various roads the Yankees may have taken to get to Weldon other than via Boon’s Mill.

General Ransom’s four companies, listed above, and the Macon Artillery section had a combined strength of about 200. The senior officer on hand was Lt. Col. John C. Harris of the 24th. General Ransom ordered this meager command to Boon’s Mill, to stop the Yankee advance.

When the soldiers arrived, the earthworks were already in place. Confederate General French had canvassed Northampton County in 1862, pin—pointing strategic places from which Confederates could defend the Weldon Railroad. He had earthworks constructed Boon’s Mill and Garysburg.

Gen. Ransom had no cavalry. He therefore ordered one of his staff, eighteen year old Captain W.H.S. Burgwyn, to form a squad, mount it, and scout for information on Col. Spear’s movements. Burgwyn, who had enlisted in 1861 when he was fifteen, was the brother of Henry K. Burgwyn Jr., "The Boy Colonel of the Confederacy." His home was "Thornbury" a plantation located about four miles south of Boon’s Mill. Burgwyn was to mount his squad using what was available at Thornbury.

Gen. Ransom then probably had the boards across the bridge at the mill loosened so they could be easily removed should he need to prevent the Union pursuit. No record exists of the span of the Boon’s Mill bridge, but it was probably about thirty feet. Later events show his foresight to be key to Confederate success.

General Ransom and the remainder of his staff then went to Jackson, N.C., two miles east of Boon’s Mill, to learn what they could about Col. Spear’s movements. They headquartered at the Jackson Hotel.

Union Col. Spear, during this time, was continuing to push along tie twenty-two mile route from Murfreesboro to Boon’s Mill. Confederate pickets were stationed at different points along the way. Their job was to observe and report, being part of the N.C. 12th Cavalry. Spear’s leading troops easily overwhelmed these raw recruits at every point of contact. At least two officers and 52 enlisted men we captured. My great grandfather, Sgt. Jeremiah Gay, was one of those taken that day.

The advance of Col. Spears command arrived in Jackson at 4:00 PM on July 28, 1863. The history of the 11th Penn. Cavalry states: "General Ransom and his staff were all dining at the hotel in Jackson when the Union troops came in sight: There was a hasty ending to dinner, and they took to their horses pursued by the advance guard; but, having the advantage of fresh horses, they crossed the bridge at Boon’s Mill forty yards ahead of Capt. Loomis’s troopers. As soon as the Confederate general and his staff had crossed, several of the staff and couriers dismounted and threw much of the flooring into the stream, which en the pursuit."

Loomis’s men fired at Ransom’s men during the entire chase. The Confederates were fortunate that none were killed or wounded.

Most renditions of this battle state that Gen. Ransom’s troops were bathing in the mill pond when he arrived, just ahead of the Yankees. How many soldiers were actually in the water? We do not know, as no Union or Confederate official record of them exists. Can. we make a reasonable estimate of their number? Yes: Ransom’s men only numbered 200 and the Yankees were due any minute; The officers would not have allowed very many in the water at any one time. An acceptable estimate would be a maximum of 10% of the command to. a minimum of 5%. If we average these percents, we can reasonable conclude that about 15 Rebels were bathing that hot July afternoon. They quickly exited the water, dressed, and joined in the fray.

Immediately after crossing the .bridge, Gen. Ransom tried a ploy to make the Union troops believe he had a much larger force than the two hundred present. He loudly called orders placing non—existent units in non-existent defensive locations. This ruse worked perfectly. The Union cavalry, hearing these orders and believing them, hesitated, and waited until the main body of their unit arrived. Capt. Loomis’s failure to act at that time is probably the biggest contributing factor that caused Col. Spear’s defeat.

The main body of The 11th Penn. Cavalry arrived soon thereafter. Companies "B", "D", "H", and "F" under Capt. H.B.Ward were left in Jackson to guard the Confederate Polls and picket the various roads in the area. This was standard military practice. Surprise from the rear is not acceptable.

The 1st New York Mounted Rifles arrived at 4:30 PM and the battle became an artillery show. The Yankees had nine cannons. Capt. Howard and Lt. Prudhomme were in charge, and they shelled the Rebel position for over an hour.

During the barrage, a Union cannon ball hit a white oak tree behind which Gen. Ransom was standing. He would be grateful to that oak for the rest of his life. After the war, General Ransom, owner of Verona Plantation, the site of the tree, had a fence put around it so it would never be cut down. The fence did a good job. When I was a boy growing up in Jackson, that oak and fence were still there, with artillery scars still plainly visible. Ransom’s tree was finally destroyed in the early 1970’s when Highway 158 was re—routed and ran exactly over it.

The hour was now getting quite late. If Col. Spear was to destroy the Weldon Bridge, he had to act quickly. He therefore ordered flanking movements on both ends of his line.

The advance around Spear’s right flank was almost successful. This area was a swamp with thick undergrowth and trees. The Yankees got through this and were then adjacent to the Confederate left flank. Gen. Ransom, knowing they were there, moved his two artillery pieces into position. Several volleys of grape and canister augmented by musket fire sent the Yankees scurrying back to their point of origin.

Dark was now approaching. Col. Spear’s command, having made no progress in four hours, withdrew, moving back through Jackson in the late twilight.

General Ransom, directing his first battle since being promoted from Colonel to Brigadier General, had defeated a Union cavalry of 1,500 with what he had available, only 200 Rebels.

We have access to Union documents which state the exact number of their casualties at Boon’s Mill, The 11th Penn. report states "Although our men were exposed to grape and canister shell and musketry, we had none killed or wounded, excepting a few horses." Spear’s other unit, the 1st Mounted New York Rifles, reported three killed, and two wounded. The 1st New Your Rifles company history shows that in over 100 different battles and skirmishes, the three men killed at Boon’s Mill were the most fatalities they suffered in any one encounter.

Confederate losses are not as easy to determine. Gen. Ransom’s official report does not mention Ms casualties.

A careful search of the 24th and 49th records verify that one Confederate was killed and three were wounded.

The only fatality so far identified was Private John W. Drum of Co. "I", N.C. 49th Infantry. He was from Catawba County and had enlisted in Lenoir County on April 8, 1863 when he was 18 years old.

Nineteen year old Pvt. Thomas H. Bumpass, who had been wounded at Malvern Hill the year before, was so severely injured at Boon’s Mill that he never fought again. He left service on Feb. 24, 1865.

Twenty—five year old Private Miles G. Spight of Onslow County was mortally wounded while acting as color bearer. He died three days later, on August 1, 1863 of these wounds.

Twenty—seven year old Pvt. John Eastwood of Person Co. was wounded severely enough to be out of action for about six weeks.

No prisoners were taken by either side at Boon’s Mill.

We also do not want to forget young Capt. W.H.S. Burgwyn, who was ordered to form a scouting detail early that morning. Burgwyn’s diary entry for July 28, 1863 states: "At 3:00 PM, my men having arrived and I after considerable difficulty, obtained the horses and accouterments and having given them a good dinner we started for Boone’s Crossroads, about four miles (away) 2’ Boone’s Crossroads was about six miles from Boon’s Mill, and intersected with roads the Union forces might use to get to Weldon.

By the time Capt. Burgwyn arrived there, he was just beginning to hear the artillery firing at Boon’s Mill. Learning that Jackson had been taken, he returned to Thornbury the way he had come. He did not actually participate in the battle.

We now need to shift our attention back to the Union retreat. Col. Spear, still believing the Rebel strength to be several times what it actually was, and, now being on the defense, greatly feared pursuit. Jackson had no defensive positions. Col. Spear therefore passed through Jackson and camped that night at Creeksville, N.C., a town six miles to the east. Deloatche’s Mill and bridge were at Creeksville. If the Confederates attacked in force, the Yankees could destroy the bridge and defend from the other side of the mill, just as General Ransom had done at Boon’s Mill earlier in the day. Col. Spear’s men fully expected Gen. Ransom to attack. One of his men told a local resident, Jesse Flythe, that there was going to be a battle at Creeksville.

Gen. Ransom, of course, did not pursue. He had only 200 infantry, and no horses.

The Union force left bivouac at 8:30 AM on the following morning, Wednesday, July 29, 1863. They still expected pursuit, so they burned Deloatche’s Mill and the bridge as they retreated. They went to Murfreesboro where they camped that night.

Col. Spear had his command moving toward Winton at 9:00 the following morning, Thursday, July 30, 1863. Upon arrival, they were transported to the Gates Co. side of the Chowan River by the same boats that had ferried them to Winton only three days before. From Gates Co. the 11th Penn. Cavalry returned to Bowers Hill, VA. The 1st New York Rifles returned to Portsmouth, VA. By Saturday, August 1, 1863, General Foster’s 3,000 infantry had been transported back to New Bern, and not a single Yankee remained in the Roanoke-Chowan area.

The Confederate prisoners captured during the Yankee stay were sent to Fort Monroe, VA for processing.